Ákrā: New Finngreek Words

These are 13 new Helleno-Uralic proposals, which will also be replacing some discontinued and postponed proposals in the current lexicon. Lían glyká!

Ma. ‘to destroy, to rob’; He. ‘to pillage, plunder, ravage, take’;? HMa. ‘to ravage’
Ma. agáš / агаш (MED) <<? He. ágō / ἄγω (LSJ, FEE, EW) <1 IE *h₂éǵe/o- ‘to drive (animals), lead’ (Ringe 2006, p. 188 [cf. He. ἄγειν])

The IE term shows wide distribution; and FU *aja- ‘to drive / jagen, treiben’ (UED) is ultimately from the same source. HMa. ág- is reliant upon the isolation of its semantics and phonology from other IE reflexes which would have been areally relevant to the development of the Ma. branch.

HMa. ‘hill’
Ma. arká / арка (MED) <<? He. ákrā / ἄκρα (LSJ, EW) < ἄκρος (FEE) <1 ΙΕ *h₂eḱ-

Only if Ma. -rk- << He. -kr-.

árdalos < árda
Ma. ‘messy, slovenly, untidy’; He. ‘dirty, filthy, impure / impuro, sucio’
Ma. andále / андале (MED) <<? árdalos / ἄρδαλος (GP, SDGE) < árda / ἄρδα ‘dirt’ (FEE) < ?

Ma. andále ‘messy’ suggests an original noun *andá ‘mess’: Cf. paidále / пайдале ‘useful’ (MED) < paidá / пайда ‘use’; ajárle / аярле ‘poisonous’ < ajár / аяр ‘poison’, etc. Because He. árdalos shows derivation from nominal árda, Ma. << He. loaning is proposed. It is unclear whether Ma. -le should be morphologically compared with He. -los.

Re: Ma. -nd- << He. (C)r(V)T-, cf. HMa. kritʰḗ.

arv- ~? **(h)arv-*
HF ‘scanty, thin’, ‘seldom / ὀλιγάκις’
F harva (SK, SSA) ?> He. arvón / ἀρβόν (Hsch.; cf. ἀραιός [LSJ, FEE]) < ?
F ~ Es. harva (cf. Fi. harva [SSA]) ?> He. arvákis / ἀρβάκις (LSJ) < ?

*Re: HF h-: Cf. He. har- / ἁρ- (cf. ἀραιός [FEE]). H **harv/w- is my hypothetical reconstruction, which would then connect (h)araiós / ἀραιός ~ **harvaiós, arvákis / ἀρβάκις, and arvón / ἀρβόν.

Ma. ‘nonsense, rubbish, vulgar’; He. ‘ignoble, inarticulate, unintelligible’
asám / асам (MED) <<? He. ásāmos / ἄσᾱμος (cf. ἄσημος [LSJ, GP]) < σῆμα (FEE) < ?

Re: Ma. -VsV- << He. -Vs(s)V-, cf. HMa. kíssa. The result of Ma. s vs. š might then be due to its intervocalic position.

Re: Ma. -∅ << He. -os, cf. HMa. mũtʰos.

Ma. ‘too sweet’; He. ‘sweet’;? HMa. ‘sweet’
Ma. kəl’gá / кыльга (MED) <<? He. glykýs / γλυκύς (FEE) <1? ΙΕ *dlku-

The secondary vowel correspondence is unclear.

kǐ́nd- ~? kǐnd-
Fi. ‘fastened, fixed, secure’, ‘to fasten, fix, secure’, ‘fixed’, ‘fixed, stationary’; He. ‘wooden nail/peg’ ~? ‘unchangeable / ἀπαράλλακτος’;? HFS* ‘fastener;? fastened;? to fasten’

Fi. kiinni (SK, SSA), kiinnittää (SK), kiinteä (SK, SSA), kiinto- (SK) <<?> He. kǐ́ndalos / κύνδαλος (LSJ, FEE) ~? kǐndós / κυνδός (LSJ) < ?

The morphological comparison is unclear: Perhaps cf. He. aítʰalos / αἴθαλος ‘smoky flame, thick smoke; smoky’ (LSJ, FB), aítʰós ‘burnt, red-brown, shining / αἰθός (LSJ, FB), aĩtʰos / αἶθος ‘burning heat, flame’ (LSJ, FB) < aítʰō / αἴθω ‘to burn, kindle’ (LSJ). This may suggest H *kǐ̃ndos / *κῦνδος ‘nail, peg,? fastener’ (or in light of HMa. árdalos < árda: H *kǐ́nda / *κύνδα) < *kǐ́ndō / *κύνδω ‘to nail, peg;? to fasten’. Regardless, He. kǐ́ndalos is assumed to be derivative; and the act of fastening or fixing would have been semantically relevant to the original HFS term.

The HF vocalism ǐ suggests F << He. loaning; but the lack of He. etymology leaves the possibility of a sound substitution of F -ii- > He. -y/?ȳ-.

Ma. ‘tit’; He. ‘jay (Garrulus glandarius), magpie (Pica caudata)’;? HMa. ‘type of bird (with blue coloring and a rapid birdsong)’
Ma. kisá / киса (MED) <<? He. kíssa / κίσσα (FEE) < ?

Examples of tits found in the zone of Mari speakers include the blue tit / кандалге киса (Cyanistes caeruleus), azure tit / ошалге-канде киса (Cyanistes cyanus), and great tit / ужар оҥан киса (Parus major). A comparison with the Eurasian jay and Eurasian magpie is unclear: The blue and azure tits, and Eurasian jay and magpie, all have vibrant blue wings; the great tit and the magpie both have black heads and beaks (although the former also has white cheeks); and of their birdsongs, the blue and azure tits have in common with the Eurasian magpie a rapidly repeating call, the progressive tone of which may be mid > low. The greatest perceived similarities are thus between the blue and azure tits with the Eurasian magpie. However, tits are smaller than magpies; and their birdsongs are of a higher pitch.

kon- ~ koni-
HFP ‘lye’
FP *konɜ ~ *kunɜ (UEDB) <? He. konía / κονία (LSJ) ~ kónis / κόνις (FEE) << IE *konis

He. kónis / κόνις ‘ashes’ is virtually identical to PIE *konis ‘ashes’. However, FP distribution weakens synchronicity with PIE; and there is not an IE reflex with the proper intial vocalism or semantics (‘lye’) to formally dissociate from the He. term. However, the HFP secondary vowel is unclear.

kóre-; koré- ~ koríz-
F ‘beautiful / kaunis’; He. ‘maidenly*, of a maiden’;? HF ‘beautiful (of a girl or woman)’
Fi. korea (SSA) <<? kóreios / κόρειος (GML) < κόρη (FEE) <1 IE *ḱerh₁-;
Fi. ‘to decorate’, Es. ‘to clean’ <<? He. ‘to purify, sweep out’ ~ ‘to clean, sweep’
Fi. koristaa (SK, SSA), Es. koristama (EE) <<? He. koréō / κορέω (FEE) ~ korízō / κορίζω (LSJ) < ?

The He. terms are all derived from a root kor-, or rather multiple homophonous roots; but the etymology of the latter terms (‘to sweep’) is unknown: The base of korízō / κορίζω (GML) is koréō / κορέω, with no further source. Re: HF comparisons, cf. also He. koúrios / κούριος ‘youthful’ < koũros / κοῦρος, Ionic for kóros / κόρος ‘boy, youth; besom’ (LSJ, FEE), which is the masculine counterpart to kórē / κόρη ‘bride, girl, maiden, virgin’ (LSJ, ML). F -o- (vs. -u-) << He. -o- is unclear; but perhaps cf. HFP ourā́ with He. koúrios and koúrē / κούρη (LSJ) re: vowel length, if not due to another aspect of its environment.

The semantic context of HF kóre- is unclear: It might refer to a specific state of beauty of a maiden or bride, or it might instead refer to the general beauty of a girl or woman.

*reasoned from ‘of a maiden’: Cf. παρθένιος ‘maidenly, of a maiden’ (LSJ).

roik- ~? roisk- ~ ruísk-
Fi. ‘diarrhea / Durchfall / ripuli’; He. ‘fluid / ρευστός; he who suffers from diarrhea / αυτός που πάσχει από διάρροια’; HF ‘diarrhea’
Fi. ruikku (cf. ruikata [SSA]) <<? He. roikós / ῥοικός (GML) < ῥόος (GMT) < ῥέω (FEE) <1 IE *sreu̯-

Fi. ‘hose, sprayer, syringe’;? He. ‘brook, rivulet’
Fi. ruisku (SK) <<? He. roískos / ῥοΐσκος (LSJ) < ῥοή (FB) < ῥέω

Fi. ‘to spray, spurt, squirt / spruta*’; He. ‘to flow, have diarrhea’
Fi. ruiskaista ~ ruiskata ~ ruiskia (Lönnrot 1880, p. 440), ruiskua (SK) <<? He. ruískomai / ῥυΐσκομαι (LSJ) < ῥέω

Ma. ‘sieve’, ‘to sieve, sift’; He. ‘strained’, ‘sieve; to sieve’*; HMa. ‘sieve; to sieve’
Ma. šokté / шокте, šoktáš / шокташ (MED) <<? He. saktós / σακτός (LSJ, GML) < sakeúō / σακεύω ‘to strain’ (LSJ) ~ sáttō / σάττω ‘to compress’ (FEE) < ?

If Ma. šokté < šoktáš is the correct derivation, then an original H *saktō verb must be reconstructed. However, a Ma. back-formation is perhaps worth consideration, with the noun as an original loan from a nominalized He. *saktós ‘sieve, strainer’ (cf. HF raktós for internal He. nominalization of an adjective; as well as F -otk- <<? He. -akt-. The vocalism may be relevant to Ma. šokt- <<? He. sakt-). In lieu of He. saktós, cf. sáktas / σάκτας ‘sack’ (LSJ) ~ sáktēs / σάκτης ‘sack’ (ML).

*Cf. He. sákkos / σάκκος ‘bag, sieve’ (FEE) + sakéō ‘to sieve’ (earlier form of sakeúō).

HMa. ‘wart’
Ma. šə́gəle / шыгыле (MED) <<? He. sỹkon / σῦκον (FEE) < ?

The Ma. suffixation is unclear.