These are 13 new Helleno-Uralic proposals, which will also be replacing some discontinued and postponed proposals in the current lexicon. Lían glyká!

ág-
Ma. ‘to destroy, to rob’; He. ‘to pillage, plunder, ravage, take’;? HMa. ‘to ravage’
Ma. agáš / агаш (MED) <<? He. ágō / ἄγω (LSJ, FEE, EW) <1 IE *h₂éǵe/o- ‘to drive (animals), lead’ (Ringe 2006, p. 188 [cf. He. ἄγειν])

The IE term shows wide distribution; and FU *aja- ‘to drive / jagen, treiben’ (UED) is ultimately from the same source. HMa. ág- is reliant upon the isolation of its semantics and phonology from other IE reflexes which would have been areally relevant to the development of the Ma. branch.

ákrā
HMa. ‘hill’
Ma. arká / арка (MED) <<? He. ákrā / ἄκρα (LSJ, EW) < ἄκρος (FEE) <1 ΙΕ *h₂eḱ-

Only if Ma. -rk- << He. -kr-.

árdalos < árda
Ma. ‘messy, slovenly, untidy’; He. ‘dirty, filthy, impure / impuro, sucio’
Ma. andále / андале (MED) <<? árdalos / ἄρδαλος (GP, SDGE) < árda / ἄρδα ‘dirt’ (FEE) < ?

Ma. andále ‘messy’ suggests an original noun *andá ‘mess’: Cf. paidále / пайдале ‘useful’ (MED) < paidá / пайда ‘use’; ajárle / аярле ‘poisonous’ < ajár / аяр ‘poison’, etc. Because He. árdalos shows derivation from nominal árda, Ma. << He. loaning is proposed. It is unclear whether Ma. -le should be morphologically compared with He. -los.

Re: Ma. -nd- << He. (C)r(V)T-, cf. HMa. kritʰḗ.

arv- ~? **(h)arv-*
HF ‘scanty, thin’, ‘seldom / ὀλιγάκις’
F harva (SK, SSA) ?> He. arvón / ἀρβόν (Hsch.; cf. ἀραιός [LSJ, FEE]) < ?
F ~ Es. harva (cf. Fi. harva [SSA]) ?> He. arvákis / ἀρβάκις (LSJ) < ?

*Re: HF h-: Cf. He. har- / ἁρ- (cf. ἀραιός [FEE]). H **harv/w- is my hypothetical reconstruction, which would then connect (h)araiós / ἀραιός ~ **harvaiós, arvákis / ἀρβάκις, and arvón / ἀρβόν.

ásāmos
Ma. ‘nonsense, rubbish, vulgar’; He. ‘ignoble, inarticulate, unintelligible’
asám / асам (MED) <<? He. ásāmos / ἄσᾱμος (cf. ἄσημος [LSJ, GP]) < σῆμα (FEE) < ?

Re: Ma. -VsV- << He. -Vs(s)V-, cf. HMa. kíssa. The result of Ma. s vs. š might then be due to its intervocalic position.

Re: Ma. -∅ << He. -os, cf. HMa. mũtʰos.

glyk-
Ma. ‘too sweet’; He. ‘sweet’;? HMa. ‘sweet’
Ma. kəl’gá / кыльга (MED) <<? He. glykýs / γλυκύς (FEE) <1? ΙΕ *dlku-

The secondary vowel correspondence is unclear.

kǐ́nd- ~? kǐnd-
Fi. ‘fastened, fixed, secure’, ‘to fasten, fix, secure’, ‘fixed’, ‘fixed, stationary’; He. ‘wooden nail/peg’ ~? ‘unchangeable / ἀπαράλλακτος’;? HFS* ‘fastener;? fastened;? to fasten’

Fi. kiinni (SK, SSA), kiinnittää (SK), kiinteä (SK, SSA), kiinto- (SK) <<?> He. kǐ́ndalos / κύνδαλος (LSJ, FEE) ~? kǐndós / κυνδός (LSJ) < ?

The morphological comparison is unclear: Perhaps cf. He. aítʰalos / αἴθαλος ‘smoky flame, thick smoke; smoky’ (LSJ, FB), aítʰós ‘burnt, red-brown, shining / αἰθός (LSJ, FB), aĩtʰos / αἶθος ‘burning heat, flame’ (LSJ, FB) < aítʰō / αἴθω ‘to burn, kindle’ (LSJ). This may suggest H *kǐ̃ndos / *κῦνδος ‘nail, peg,? fastener’ (or in light of HMa. árdalos < árda: H *kǐ́nda / *κύνδα) < *kǐ́ndō / *κύνδω ‘to nail, peg;? to fasten’. Regardless, He. kǐ́ndalos is assumed to be derivative; and the act of fastening or fixing would have been semantically relevant to the original HFS term.

The HF vocalism ǐ suggests F << He. loaning; but the lack of He. etymology leaves the possibility of a sound substitution of F -ii- > He. -y/?ȳ-.

kíssa
Ma. ‘tit’; He. ‘jay (Garrulus glandarius), magpie (Pica caudata)’;? HMa. ‘type of bird (with blue coloring and a rapid birdsong)’
Ma. kisá / киса (MED) <<? He. kíssa / κίσσα (FEE) < ?

Examples of tits found in the zone of Mari speakers include the blue tit / кандалге киса (Cyanistes caeruleus), azure tit / ошалге-канде киса (Cyanistes cyanus), and great tit / ужар оҥан киса (Parus major). A comparison with the Eurasian jay and Eurasian magpie is unclear: The blue and azure tits, and Eurasian jay and magpie, all have vibrant blue wings; the great tit and the magpie both have black heads and beaks (although the former also has white cheeks); and of their birdsongs, the blue and azure tits have in common with the Eurasian magpie a rapidly repeating call, the progressive tone of which may be mid > low. The greatest perceived similarities are thus between the blue and azure tits with the Eurasian magpie. However, tits are smaller than magpies; and their birdsongs are of a higher pitch.

kon- ~ koni-
HFP ‘lye’
FP *konɜ ~ *kunɜ (UEDB) <? He. konía / κονία (LSJ) ~ kónis / κόνις (FEE) << IE *konis

He. kónis / κόνις ‘ashes’ is virtually identical to PIE *konis ‘ashes’. However, FP distribution weakens synchronicity with PIE; and there is not an IE reflex with the proper intial vocalism or semantics (‘lye’) to formally dissociate from the He. term. However, the HFP secondary vowel is unclear.

kóre-; koré- ~ koríz-
F ‘beautiful / kaunis’; He. ‘maidenly*, of a maiden’;? HF ‘beautiful (of a girl or woman)’
Fi. korea (SSA) <<? kóreios / κόρειος (GML) < κόρη (FEE) <1 IE *ḱerh₁-;
Fi. ‘to decorate’, Es. ‘to clean’ <<? He. ‘to purify, sweep out’ ~ ‘to clean, sweep’
Fi. koristaa (SK, SSA), Es. koristama (EE) <<? He. koréō / κορέω (FEE) ~ korízō / κορίζω (LSJ) < ?

The He. terms are all derived from a root kor-, or rather multiple homophonous roots; but the etymology of the latter terms (‘to sweep’) is unknown: The base of korízō / κορίζω (GML) is koréō / κορέω, with no further source. Re: HF comparisons, cf. also He. koúrios / κούριος ‘youthful’ < koũros / κοῦρος, Ionic for kóros / κόρος ‘boy, youth; besom’ (LSJ, FEE), which is the masculine counterpart to kórē / κόρη ‘bride, girl, maiden, virgin’ (LSJ, ML). F -o- (vs. -u-) << He. -o- is unclear; but perhaps cf. HFP ourā́ with He. koúrios and koúrē / κούρη (LSJ) re: vowel length, if not due to another aspect of its environment.

The semantic context of HF kóre- is unclear: It might refer to a specific state of beauty of a maiden or bride, or it might instead refer to the general beauty of a girl or woman.

*reasoned from ‘of a maiden’: Cf. παρθένιος ‘maidenly, of a maiden’ (LSJ).

roik- ~? roisk- ~ ruísk-
Fi. ‘diarrhea / Durchfall / ripuli’; He. ‘fluid / ρευστός; he who suffers from diarrhea / αυτός που πάσχει από διάρροια’; HF ‘diarrhea’
Fi. ruikku (cf. ruikata [SSA]) <<? He. roikós / ῥοικός (GML) < ῥόος (GMT) < ῥέω (FEE) <1 IE *sreu̯-

Fi. ‘hose, sprayer, syringe’;? He. ‘brook, rivulet’
Fi. ruisku (SK) <<? He. roískos / ῥοΐσκος (LSJ) < ῥοή (FB) < ῥέω

Fi. ‘to spray, spurt, squirt / spruta*’; He. ‘to flow, have diarrhea’
Fi. ruiskaista ~ ruiskata ~ ruiskia (Lönnrot 1880, p. 440), ruiskua (SK) <<? He. ruískomai / ῥυΐσκομαι (LSJ) < ῥέω

saktV-
Ma. ‘sieve’, ‘to sieve, sift’; He. ‘strained’, ‘sieve; to sieve’*; HMa. ‘sieve; to sieve’
Ma. šokté / шокте, šoktáš / шокташ (MED) <<? He. saktós / σακτός (LSJ, GML) < sakeúō / σακεύω ‘to strain’ (LSJ) ~ sáttō / σάττω ‘to compress’ (FEE) < ?

If Ma. šokté < šoktáš is the correct derivation, then an original H *saktō verb must be reconstructed. However, a Ma. back-formation is perhaps worth consideration, with the noun as an original loan from a nominalized He. *saktós ‘sieve, strainer’ (cf. HF raktós for internal He. nominalization of an adjective; as well as F -otk- <<? He. -akt-. The vocalism may be relevant to Ma. šokt- <<? He. sakt-). In lieu of He. saktós, cf. sáktas / σάκτας ‘sack’ (LSJ) ~ sáktēs / σάκτης ‘sack’ (ML).

*Cf. He. sákkos / σάκκος ‘bag, sieve’ (FEE) + sakéō ‘to sieve’ (earlier form of sakeúō).

sỹk-
HMa. ‘wart’
Ma. šə́gəle / шыгыле (MED) <<? He. sỹkon / σῦκον (FEE) < ?

The Ma. suffixation is unclear.

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